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Anatomy of a Madeira Letter – Back Stamp
The British Post office was divided into a number of branches with the Foreign Office separate from the Inland Office. The Foreign Office handled post to and from overseas destinations including a number of the letters sent to Messrs Newton, Gordon that I have in my collection.. Beginning in 1797, the Foreign Office office hand stamped all outward posts.[1]
Between 1806-1814, the Foreign Office used a red stamp with “Foreign” and the year within two concentric circles. There is a code number in the middle. The first image is comprised of four marks for the years 1808-1811.
Beginning in 1815, the Foreign Office switched to a new black stamp. Within a circle appear “F” and the last two digits of the year split by the perpendicular code number. The second image is comprised of stamps from 1817, 1819, and 1820, and 1821.
The last image includes three back stamps from 1817 which I have arranged in ascending order of the numerical code. As you can see, the May letter has a higher value than the September letters. Perhaps the code is simply a 3-digit sequence number which has rolled over back to zero at least once between May and September. Further, there were 67 letters stamped between the two September letters. If anyone has an understanding of this code please let me know.
- #167 – Dated 10 September 1817
- #235 – Dated 10 September 1817
- #252 – Dated 13 May 1817
[1] “The Jay Catalogue: Revisions Continued – FOREIGN OFFICE”, London Postal History Group, Number 158, August 2004. URL: http://www.gbps.org.uk/information/downloads/lphg-notebook.php
Anatomy of a Madeira Letter – Receipt Docketing
On the back of an individual Madeira letter you will find its history docketed. This information includes who sent the letter and from where, when it was written, when it was received, and when it was answered.
The first image featured in this post illustrates the receipt docketing of two letters of introduction sent to Messrs Newton Gordon Murdoch & Scott of Madeira. The letters concern two men each making the journey from London to Calcutta via Madeira. Written one day apart, the letters were received at Madeira on 30 May 1817. They were promptly answered the following day, perhaps because the gentleman themselves were on the very same ship that the letters were sent on.
Not all letters were answered in a timely manner. One such letter sent by packet, took only 11 days to travel from London to Madeira. However, it took nearly four months to be answered! The letter concerns an order for 10 pipes of Madeira to be sent first to the Brazils before making their way back to London. It is possible the reply was not written until the pipes had made their journey back from Brazil hence the long delay.
The final cover featured in this post, indicates that two letters bearing different dates from Francis Newton were received. Though written on one sheet, Francis Newton first provides an extract from his previously sent letter dated 30 November 1790, which is followed by his current letter dated 6 December 1790. The extract of the previous letter is marked “copy” which is perhaps why it is docketed with “Duplicates”. The letters were received on 22 February 1791 and marked “ans’d formerly”. It could be that the first letter was received and answered before this latest copy arrived.
Anatomy of a Madeira Letter – Rates
The three letters featured in this post, dated 1808, 1811, and 1817, highlight the different rates charged for sending letters from London to Madeira using the British Post Office. These letters were carried by postal packet thus in addition to the recipient’s address and endorsement, they bear the rates charged for delivery.
The port city of Falmouth, located in the south-west corner of England, was home to the Post Office’s Packet Service for nearly two centuries.[1] In sending a letter from London to Madeira, the rate was calculated by adding up the inland cost of sending the letter from London to Falmouth. and the Falmouth packet rate to Madeira. The letters dated 1808 and 1811 were rated based on the same scale set forth in the Postage Act of 1805[1].
Falmouth is located some 270 miles from London. In 1805, the inland rates for England charged 11d. for a 200-300 mile journey. The Falmouth packet rate for Madeira was 1s. 7d. The total rate then is 11d. + 1s. 7d. – 1d. = 2s. 5d which is marked in red in the upper right-hand corner of the cover. The letter is also marked “40” for the 40 Centimos collection fee in Madeira. I do not have any further information about this fee.
The second letter was rated 4s. 10d. or twice that of the previous letter. This was the charge for a double letter. The reason for which is found in the correspondence itself, where we learn that “Under this cover you will receive Copies of my last letter…”.
The Postage Act of 1812, increased the inland rate for London to Falmouth by 1d. to 12d or 1s. and the packet rate to Madeira was increased by 1d. to 1s. 8d.[2] The total rate then is 1s. + 1s. 8d. – 1d. = 2s. 7d.
[1] Hemmeon, J. C. “The History of the British Post Office”, 1912. URL: http://www.gbps.org.uk/information/downloads/files/historical-studies/The%20History%20of%20the%20British%20Post%20Office%20(1912)%20-%20J.C.Hemmeon.pdf
[2] “Postage Act 1805, (45 Geo 3 c.11, 12th March 1805)”. The Great Britain Philatelic Society. URL: http://www.gbps.org.uk/information/sources/acts/1805-03-12_Act-45-George-III-cap-11.php
[3] “Postage Act 1812,(52 Geo 3 c.88, 9th July 1812)”. The Great Britain Philatelic Society. URL: http://www.gbps.org.uk/information/sources/acts/1812-07-09_Act-52-George-III-cap-88.php
Anatomy of a Madeira Letter – Recipient’s Address
Whether from England or America, an old letter addressed to a Madeira house is shockingly simple. The name of the firm followed by “Madeira” are all that were required for an address to enable the letter to reach its destination during the 18th and 19th centuries. Founded in 1745 by Francis Newton, the firm of Cossart, Gordon & Co. has changed names some dozen times since [1] and the letters in my possession illustrate several of these changes through the recipient’s address:
- Messrs Newton Gordon & Co (1787)
- Messrs Newton Gordon & Johnston (1790)
- Messrs Newton Gordon Murdoch & Scott (1808)
- Messrs Newton, Gordon, Cossart & Co (1840)
A number of my letters are endorsed with additional information. To understand why we must turn to postal history.[2] The British Post Office was first organized by act in the mid 17th century which gave it the authority to send all letters and packets.[3] There were exceptions which allowed others to carry mail as well. Letters regarding personal affairs could be carried by a friend and merchant correspondence could be carried by other ships.
Three such examples appear in the image below. The top-most cover is endorsed “pr. Packet” which meant it traveled by a regular postal packet. If you look closely you can see it was rated “2/5” meaning a rate of 2 Shillings and 5 Pence was charged along with “40” for the 40 Centimos collect fee in Madeira. The middle letter endorsed “THe Alexander CapT Reid” was carried by private ship. Captain Reid no doubt carried the letter because a John Welch of London was directing Messrs. Newton Gordon to ship five pipes of Madeira onboard Captain Reid’s ship Alexander. The final cover is endorsed “by favour of Mr Wm Hope” and from the contents we learn that the banking firm of Marsh, Stracey, & Co. of London requested that Messrs Newton Gordon advance Mr. William Hope up to 600 Pounds.
[1] “Madeira, The Island Vineyard” by Noel Cossart & Mannie Berk, 2010.
[2] Many interesting papers may be found at the Great Britain Philatelic Society. URL: http://www.gbps.org.uk/
[3] “June 1657: An Act for setling the Postage of England, Scotland and Ireland.” British History Online. URL: https://www.british-history.ac.uk/no-series/acts-ordinances-interregnum/pp1110-1113
“We were in time favored with your letter”: Anatomy of a Madeira letter
I have enjoyed reading many 18th and 19th century letters regarding Madeira wine both online and in person. The survival of these letters is amazing. There is a thrill I feel whenever I have viewed them at libraries or from the collection of Mannie Berk (The Rare Wine Co.). The descriptions found within, of various wines, vintages, and even oak staves, have appeared in many posts on this blog. I have, however, never addressed the physical letters themselves.
Over the last few months I acquired a small collection of letters addressed to the firm of Cossart, Gordon and Company at Madeira dating from 1763 – 1840. That these letters are even available for purchase stems back to the late 1970s and early 1980s when many were sold off for philatelic value. It is these letters that I have largely purchased. Over the next few posts I will present pictures from my collection to illustrate the anatomy of a Madeira letter.
No School Like the Old-School: A Unique Madeira Advertisement in Washington, DC during 1835
Detail from Tanner, Henry Schenck. City of Washington. 1836. [0]
Congress moved from Philadelphia to Washington, DC during November, 1800. When Gowen & Jacobs opened their store, the city population was estimated at nearly 19,000. A decade later, in 1840, it had climbed to roughly 27,000.
Partial Cadastral Map around Center Market. 1836. [2]
This prime location placed them within two blocks of the Patriotic and Washington Banks along with Gadsby’s and Brown’s Hotels. By the end of the year they were fully stocked with Old London Particular Madeira, Old Pale Sherry, Old Champagne, Old Bordeaux, and more including Burgundy, Hock, and Sauternes.[4]
“Old school vintage of 1803” from Gowen’s & Jacobs’ advertisement. 1835. [5]
The “old school” phrase dates back to the mid-18th century but as far as I can tell, these advertisements are unique with regards to the subject of wine. As the 19th century progressed, an appreciation for ever older bottles of Madeira continued to develop. This particular wine of the “Old school Vintage of 1803” would have been bottled just one or two years later. Its long life in glass made it particularly different than wines which would have gained their age on the Island of Madeira. These wines would have concentrated in wood before making the long journey to America where they were finally bottled.
“Old Wine and Liquors” from Gowen’s & Jacbobs’ advertisement. 1835.
[0] Tanner, Henry Schenck. City of Washington. [Philadelphia: H.S. Tanner, 1836] Map. https://www.loc.gov/item/88694080/.
[1] Advertisement. Daily National Intelligencer Thursday, Nov 05, 1829 Washington (DC), DC Vol: XVII Issue: 5230 Page: 3
[2] Partial cadastral map of the district around the Center Market, N.W. Washington D.C. 1836. Map. https://www.loc.gov/item/88694081/.
[3] Watterson, George. A Picture of Washington. 1840. URL: https://books.google.com/books?id=VtfC1aNc2VIC&dq=Watterson,+George.+A+Picture+of+Washington.+1840&source=gbs_navlinks_s
[4] Advertisement. United States’ Telegraph Saturday, Nov 21, 1829 Washington (DC), DC Page: 3
[5] Advertisement. United States’ Telegraph Saturday, Nov 28, 1835 Washington (DC), DC Page: 3
[6] Centre Market and Vicinity. Author(s): Washington Topham. Source: Records of the Columbia Historical Society, Washington, D.C., Vol. 26 (1924), pp. 1-88. Published by: Historical Society of Washington, D.C. Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/40067380. Accessed: 06-09-2019 15:54 UTC
Two 19th c. variants on “Madeira Wine A Parody” of the song “The Willow”
I find that “Madeira Wine” is a riot of a song particularly since I love both the drink itself and its history. It appears in at least two published instances during the early 19th century. The only dated instance is from October 17, 1808, in the Baltimore newspaper Federal Republican & Commercial Gazette. The second instance is an anonymously published single sheet of music held by The Library of Congress dated to the first decade of the 19th century. It is credited to “a Baltimorean” whom I take to be the same for both.
“Madeira Wine” is a self-titled parody on the song “The Willow” which is an Elizabethan folk song dating to the late 16th century. This folk song is famously sung by Desdemona in William Shakespeare’s Othello. Several times Desdemona sings ,”willow, willow, willow”. The sheet music fully parodies “The Willow” which we see logically progress as more and more Madeira is consumed. At first there is, “Mellow mellow mellow” then “Tipsy tipsy tipsy” and finally “I’m drunk, I’m drunk, I’m drunk”.
There is perhaps an allusion taking place in “Madeira Wine”. I am no musicologist so bear with me. When Desdemona sings “The Willow” she is foretelling her eventual death. Madeira was certainly the wine of America with Port and Claret that of England. When the song was published, the turbulent times between America and England were soon to escalate into the War of 1812. Could the Baltimorean be alluding to the troubles of the time?
Madeira Wine Newspaper
A Parody…Madeira Wine. Oct 17, 1808. [1]A PARODY
On the famous Song “The Willow,”...to
the same tune.
MADEIRA WINE.
O fill me up another glass of that Madeira
Wine,
O fill me up another glass…for ’tis extremely fine,
I like the taste…so pray make haste,
A bump fill for me;
For here I sit…not quite drunk yet,
Altho’ I’ve drank so free.
I love to drink Madeira…no other Wine
endure,
I love to drink Madeira when it is old &
pure.
Of my full cask…a single flask
Is all that’s left to me;
That flask I’ll try…’tho’ here am I
Half tipsy as you see.
Half-tipsy tipsy
Half-tipsy as you see.
I once lov’d Port and Claret.. I thought
it ne’er would end,
I once lov’d Port and Claret…and so did
you my friend.
My Port so stout…is all drank out,
The Claret’s sour to me;
And I’ve drank fine, Madeira Wine,
Until I’m drunk you see–
I’m drunk, I’m drunk, I’m drunk,
Until I’m drunk you see!!!
Madeira Wine Sheet Music
Madeira wine a parody on the Willow. The LOC. [2]MADEIRA WINE.
A Parody on the WILLOW.
By A BALTIMOREAN
O fill me up a_nother glass, Of that Madeira Wine,
O fill me up a_nother glass, For ’tis extremely fine
like the taste so pray make haste A Bumper fill for me For here I sit not
quite drunk yet, But mellow as you see Mellow mellow mellow But
mellow as you see.
2
I love to drink Madeira, no other wine endure,
I love to drink Madeira, when it is old and pure;
Of my full cask, a single flask, is all that’s left to me,
That flask I’ll try, tho’ here am I; half tipsy as you see.
Tipsy, &c.
3
I once lov’d Port and Claret, I thought it ne’er would end,
I once lov’d Port and Claret, and so did you my friend;
My Port so stout, is all drank out, the Claret’s sour to me,
And I’ve drank fine, Madeira wine, until I’m drunk you see.
I’m drunk, &c.
[1] Federal Republican & Commercial Gazette Monday, Oct 17, 1808, Baltimore, MD Vol: I Issue: 46 Page: 2
[2] Madeira wine a parody on the Willow. [180u, monographic. Publisher not indicated, 180] Notated Music. https://www.loc.gov/item/2015562175/.
“[An] instance discharge of 13 cannon”: Madeira in celebration
Independence Day Toasts from Boston, 1784.
For much of American history, Madeira was the drink of choice. In some colonies, such as New York, Madeira accounted for nearly 85% of all wine imports. Down in Charleston, South Carolina it was the “common” wine drunk. The best Madeira was obtained by ordering straight from the Island. While there are sadly few records left on the Island itself, the lengthy process of ordering, paying for, and arranging shipment appear in American letter books with insights into the preferences for this wine and the culture that developed around it. While we cannot specifically describe if Madeira was drunk at all of the early Independence Day celebrations, it is possible to examine how it was used in toasting at other important celebrations.
As soon as George Washington was proclaimed, “The President of the United States”, there was an “instant discharge of 13 cannon and loud repeated shouts”. There were no immediate toasts that Thursday, April 29, 1789, for the new President retired to the Senate Chamber to deliver a speech. There was, however, a celebration that evening, along with two hours of fireworks, and prior to that, numerous celebrations as George Washington journeyed from his home at Mount Vernon, Virginia up to New York for his inauguration. These were, no doubt, noisy affairs. A week earlier, in Philadelphia, the bells were rung throughout the day and night while a feu de joie was fired as he moved to the City Tavern. Here he was treated to an “elegant Entertainment” for 250 people. After each toast there was a discharge of artillery.
If the firing of guns and artillery were common at these celebrations then so too was toasting. Celebrations took place that year not just for the Presidential Inauguration but the Anniversary of Independence , Artillery Elections , and even the re-election of Governor Clinton of New York. Newspaper articles recount the toasts throughout that century: On Independence Day at Fraunces Tavern “toasts suited to the occasion were drank”. After toasting George Washington, “the officers rose and saluted it with three cheers; and the band immediately gave General Washington’s march”, at the New York Artillery Election, “1. The illustrious THE PRESIDENT of the United States – [three cheers.]”, and back at Fraunces’ Tavern for Governor Clinton, 13 toasts “were drank, under the American salute of cannons to each” including “12. The memory of these heroes who gallantly fought and died in defence of American liberty.”
Despite the detailed records of toasts and discharges of weaponry, there are but few accounts of what was drunk. If we look at Independence Day celebrations, we find a few reports of what was consumed. At the 1781 celebration in Princeton, the Governor and his company drank a “few draughts of good punch”. It appears most of the crowds drank “water, beer, cider”. The ratification of the Constitution in 1788 saw a fad for all things American. At one celebration people were refreshed with “federal punch“. The massive Grand Federal Procession in Philadelphia called out imported liquors as non-Federal so only “American porter, beer and cyder” were served. There was noise for the toasts, of course, announced by a trumpet, answered by a discharge of 10 artillery which in turn was answered by a discharge from the ship Rising Sun.
If beer and cyder were the celebratory drinks of the masses then we must turn to the dinners attended by officers, elected officials, and wealthy landowners.
“Washington Taking Leave of the Offices of the Army”
It was not until peace was reached at the end of 1782 that Madeira began to flow again with the resumption of trade. In Maryland, at the Official State Celebration for Peace and Independence, we find Madeira being served. The celebration was held on April 23, 1783, and was hosted by Charles Carroll at his family house in Annapolis, Maryland. General George Washington was a guest. After dinner there were thirteen toasts answered by the discharge of thirteen cannon. The state house was illuminated at night where an “elegant entertainment” took place.
We fortunately know what was drunk because the bill for the dinner and the ball survived. At dinner the waiters served 49 gallons of Claret, 35 gallons of Port, 32 gallons of Madeira, and 6 gallons of spirits. There were surely a few hundred people in attendance because over 1,000 pounds of meat was prepared and 43 wine glasses lost.
After the last British troops left New York City on November 25, 1783, and the American troops took possession of the city, a procession led by General Washington and Governor Clinton made its way to Fraunces’ Tavern were the Governor gave an Evacuation Day celebratory dinner. For the 13 toasts we know it was primarily Madeira that was drunk that evening, some 75 bottles of it compared to 18 Claret and 16 Port. At a dinner shortly before George Washington resigned his commission in December 1783, 120 diners drank some 135 bottles of Madeira compared to 36 of port. There were 60 wine glasses broken.
Perhaps no dinner affirms Madeira as the drink of America as the December 20, 1803, celebration of the Louisiana Purchase. To complete the purchase Spain turned over the land to the French who then turned over the same land to the United States. Civil and military officers from all three countries were present at the evening dinner. After the first course there were three toasts: ”Charles the 4th and Spain, in Malaga and Canary. The French Republic and Bonaparte, in Red and White Champagne” and “The United States and Jefferson, in Madeira. ” Each minister toasted with wine considered of their country. In the expenditures of the US Commissioners who took possession of the land between that December 1803 and the end of April 1804, we find they required some 196.5 gallons and 1 quarter-cask of Madeira.
If you are not in possession of a cask of Madeira then a bottle or even a glass for your Independence Day celebration will suffice. Give your toast to the day as the fireworks are going off and you might form a sense of what it was like to celebrate in the 18th century.
“[A] great prejudice here against all Wine…from any of the Northern Cities”: Motivation for Higham, Fife & Co.’s concern about the adulteration of Madeira wine
Nearly once a year, the Charleston firm of Higham & Fife advertised the acceptance of orders for Madeira wine shipped direct from the house of Newton, Gordon, Murdoch, & Scott to Charleston. These advertisements begin in 1820, just five years after the flow of Madeira into America resumed after decades of war.[1]
Higham, Fife, & Co advertisement from 18 February 1824. [1]
When Madeira imports picked up again in 1815, demand was so high that even Thomas Jefferson felt Madeira had reached an “exorbitance of price”.[2] When Jefferson did order wine that year, he requested it be double cased so as to protect against adulteration. Two years later, in 1817, Hutchins G. Burton shipped a barrel of wine to Jefferson from North Carolina.[3] He warned against the possibility of adulteration as “Waggonners sometimes take the liberty of playing tricks”.
Higham, Fife & Co covers to Newton, Gordon, Murdoch, & Scott of Madeira. Image linked to Schuyler Rumsey Philatelic Auctions.
The adulteration of wine was long a problem both in transit to and within America. One can imagine though, that the high cost of Madeira made it even more common if not simply more intolerable. Mannie Berk, The Rare Wine Co., relayed to me that Higham, Fife, & Co. were sensitive to their clients’ views on adulteration.[4] In 1824, the firm wrote to Newton, Gordon, Murdoch, and Scott explaining how they would prefer to wait several months for direct shipment of their Madeira to Charleston rather than having it sent through New York or any other ports. They explained that “there is a great prejudice here against all Wine & Liquors received from any of the Northern Cities” for no one will believe they are not adulterated.
[1] Southern Patriot Wednesday, Feb 18, 1824 Charleston, SC Page: 3. GenealogyBank.
[2] “Thomas Jefferson to John F. Oliveira Fernandes, 16 December 1815,” Founders Online, National Archives, accessed April 11, 2019, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Jefferson/03-09-02-0163. [Original source: The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Retirement Series, vol. 9, September 1815 to April 1816, ed. J. Jefferson Looney. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2012, pp. 263–264.]
[3] “Hutchins G. Burton to Thomas Jefferson, 2 April 1817,” Founders Online, National Archives, accessed April 11, 2019, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Jefferson/03-11-02-0200. [Original source: The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Retirement Series, vol. 11, 19 January to 31 August 1817, ed. J. Jefferson Looney. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2014, p. 238.]
[4] Higham, Fife, & Co. to Newton, Gordon, Murdoch, & Scott, 26 February 1824. Transcription provided by Mannie Berk, The Rare Wine Co., who continues to surprise me, year after year, with relevant facts he has carefully accumulated.
“[A] choice parcell of Madeira Wines…&…the best Gundpower”: A Madeira advertisement from Charleston in 1735
South-Carolina Gazette Tuesday, Jun 07, 1735. [1]
The ichnography of Charles-Town at high water. 1739. [3]
[1] South-Carolina Gazette Tuesday, Jun 07, 1735 Charleston, SC Page: 3
[2] The ichnography of Charles-Town at high water. B. Roberts and W. H. Toms. 1739. File Name: 29852-000. Image Collections, The John Carter Brown Library. URL: https://jcb.lunaimaging.com/luna/servlet/detail/JCBMAPS~1~1~2833~101286:The-ichnography-of-Charles-Town-at-
[3] South-Carolina Gazette Tuesday, May 03, 1735 Charleston, SC Page: 3
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